Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | June 18, 2013

Colombian Fashion

Did you know Colombia’s fashion capital, Medellín, is known to some as “The Milan of Latin America”? Colombia’s Fashion Week — called Colombiamoda —  is held in Medellín every year.

Here, learn about Colombia’s Fashion Week from a Brit. What seems to most shock foreign fashion reporters is the culture of “narco-beauty” — basically, big fake boobs and bums, paid for by drug traffickers, a trend that has permeated most of Medellín.

Noted Colombian fashion designers include Silvia TcherassiPepa Pombo,  and Esteban Cortázar.

With the free trade agreement now in effect between Colombia and the U.S., expect to see more of Colombia’s fine denim, lingerie and textiles. According to Fashionista.com, U.S. exports of fibers, textiles, and apparel to Colombia totaled $266 million in 2011. In the same year, U.S. imports of Colombian textiles and apparel totaled $238.7 million. Colombia’s apparel manufacturing sector accounts for around 2% of the nation’s G.D.P.

Brands like Victoria’s Secret, Tommy Hilfiger, and Levi’s already do some manufacturing in Colombia. Chinese factories turn down smaller orders, and Colombia can fill those smaller runs with faster lead times. Further, with ports on both the Caribbean and the Pacific, Colombia can expedite shipments.

Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | June 14, 2013

FARC “diplomacy” in Americas and Europe

The FARC have carried out “diplomacy” in at least 29 countries in Europe and America, according to Verdadabierta.com. Their presence is in the U.S., Mexico, Canada, Panama, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Cuba, Venezuela, Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay in the Americas; and Switzerland, Germany, Norway, Russia, Denmark, Sweden, Italy, France, Greece, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, Spain, Portugal, and England in Europe.

The contacts began in the 1970s after the FARC consolidated links with guerrillas in El Salvador and Nicaragua. The FARC’s plan was to expand to other countries who had some sympathy to communism and socialism. The FARC “ambassadors” always distanced themselves from drug trafficking and human rights violations.

The work centered on contacting NGO’s and lobbying for money, and discussing other special topics ordered by the FARC chiefs back in Colombia. The FARC “ambassadors” also coordinated any mutual training, and arranged visits of anyone interested to a FARC camp to meet with the heads.

Related:

Chile’s FARC connections.

Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | June 12, 2013

Report finds members of FARC Secretariat involved in sexual violence.

A new report titled “Violence based on gender” has gathered testimony of 81 episodes of “extreme cruelty” of sexual violence against women in Colombia. The report was written by the Colombian government’s National Unit of Justice and Peace of the District Attorney’s office, together with the German government.

The District Attorney plans to bring the perpetrators to face justice, and some of the men responsible are part of the FARC’s Secretariat.

Most of the victims were women between 15 and 30 years old, and the episodes occurred between 1996 and 2005. It has taken most of the victims ten years to speak up — mostly for fear of retributions from the perpetrators.

Forty-three percent of the cases of sexual violence happened during a FARC or paramilitary attack/ invasion on a town. The women were told if they did not collaborate, their boyfriends or husbands would be killed. The report confirmed the use of women as a weapon of war.

The idea behind the report is to put together the versions from the victims with those from the demobilized guerrillas, and initiate reparations to the victims and their families.

Related:

Women as war trophies: impunity and sexual violence.

Report on violence based on gender and against women in Colombia.

The residents of the isolated hamlets of Quinchía in Risaralda department in coffee country have devised a new form of transportation, the “motollevo” (translates as “on-a-motorcycle-I-take-you”). It consists of planks of wood dragged by old motorcycles over abandoned railroad tracks. The “motollevo” can transport up to 15 passengers; in 45 minutes, it can cover the distance that would take a person 4.5 hours walking.

Artisanal gold mining is the main source of income in Quinchía, of which 98 percent is considered illegal mining. The residents of Quinchía complain they have been abandoned by the State.

The “motollevo” is an example of how badly Colombia is lacking infrastructure.

Watch the video here.

Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | June 4, 2013

U.S. Army funding radio novella that promotes guerrilla demobilization

The U.S. Army is looking for a writer to script eight episodes of a radio soap opera that conveys to Colombian guerrillas messages of demobilization, and counters the recruitment into armed groups. The last four episodes will focus on promoting family values, the respectful treatment of women, democratic alternatives to violence, and support of a U.S.-Colombia partnership.

The army’s radio novella will be paid by the Military Information Support Operations (MISO), an arm of the U.S. Department of Defense, which produces propaganda to influence foreign audiences. But it will use true life stories lifted from the testimony of former combatants.

The episodes will be in Spanish and a mix of regional Colombian dialects (paisa, llanero, costeño, pastuso).

Radio broadcasts have proven to be the most effective means of communication for the MISO team, particularly when their target audience is located in remote areas.

The radio novella will break from the mold — in Colombia, such genre tends to be violence-obsessed and misogynistic. It glorifies the narco-culture of fast money, gold and diamond-studded guns, and beautiful expendable women.

Related:

Operation Christmas

‘Narco Novelas’ Play Out Drama Of Mexican Drug War

Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | May 31, 2013

FARC cause environmental damage while talking peace.

The FARC want to gain political status from the negotiations in Havana. But they have yet to show any leadership skills.

First, the FARC continue to recruit child soldiers; in fact, they have increased their recruitment of children to boost their weakened fighting units.

Second, the FARC’s recent attacks on oil pipelines have caused much environmental damage. They attacked the Caño Limon-Coveñas oil pipeline, Colombia’s largest, and caused a crude oil spill that affected three towns in Arauca province, on the border with Venezuela.

Ecopetrol and Occidental de Colombia (OXY), which operate the pipeline, asked the public “to abstain from using water from La Blanquita creek, which is a tributary of the Arauca River.”

Mines and Energy Minister Mauricio Cardenas told RCN La Radio that “… workers were setting up barriers (to contain the spill) … such that the waters (of the rivers and streams) are not continuing to be contaminated.”

The FARC also staged three attacks on the Transandino pipeline and other facilities in Putumayo province in the southwest, and also caused oil spills there. Environmental authorities took charge of attempting to prevent the spilled oil from reaching the Putumayo river, the most important river in the southern department.

The FARC act with complete disregard for children, and for the environment, and do not deserve to gain any political status from the current negotiations in Havana.

The think-tank Corporación Nuevo Arco Iris believes the FARC attack pipelines so the business community will pressure the government for faster negotiations in Havana — but I believe the environmental damage the attacks are causing achieve the opposite effect.

The Colombian government and the FARC have come to an agreement on land reform. But it will only be implemented when the final accords are signed in Havana.

Agriculture Minister Francisco Estupiñán said “rural reform,” as it has been termed, requires much investment in irrigation and draining, as well as technical assistance and subsidies to farmers. Further, it includes a poverty eradication plan that will include rural health and education initiatives. Fiscal adjustments have been made to accommodate such large spending.

The goal is to transform the countryside into a modern competitive form of agriculture that makes use of free trade agreements.

(Of interest about the state of the countryside: The observations of Former President Lleras in 1946 seem relevant today.)

Despite that there has not been a census of rural Colombia in 50 years, the agriculture minister said the reform will only use land owned by the State, as well as land the State has claimed from illegal armed groups who stole it from its rightful owners.

President Santos said the agreement respects private property. He said, “the vast majority of people in the countryside have nothing to fear. Who has acquired their land legally has nothing to fear.”

But implementing the rural reform faces great challenges.

There will be a higher tax on land that is not utilized to its maximum, and that will likely cause political strife with the cattle ranchers who support President Uribe, the opposition.

In fact, analysts all ready conclude the agreement could initiate the next cycle of rural bloodshed. Violent landowners are hiring neo-paramilitary gangs to hold on to stolen land.

According to the agriculture minister, to this day, there have been more than 13,000 hectares that the State has returned to its rightful owners. But there remain 32,000 petitions to return 2.2 million hectares.

At least 700 people who hope to reclaim their land have been threatened so far in 2013. The National Protection Agency (La Unidad Nacional de Protección) calculates it will have 1,000 people under its protection by the end of 2013.

The State has provided protection for 425 people, but many said the cars have mechanical failures, and the cell phones, bullet proof vests and bodyguards offered are not the most appropriate forms of protection in the countryside.

Moreover, seventy percent of land destined to be returned is in areas planted with land mines, said Ricardo Sabogal,  director of  the government’s Land Restitution Agency (Unidad de Restitucion de Tierras).

Below are some recent headlines from Colombian media:

Five people sent to prison for murder of leader who claimed his land.

In Cauca, there are about 100 conflicts due to land.

“Urabeños” threaten woman who claimed her land in Apartadó in Urabá.

Peace Commissioner Humberto De La Calle said that although there have been some advances in the peace talks, there could have by now achieved much more. The peace talks began in November 2012 and have yet to produce an accord on agrarian reform, the first of five points on the agenda.

The FARC proposed giving 20 million hectares (49.4 million acres) of land to the poor and limiting how much property big landowners can have. Meanwhile, the government has insisted no land will be taken from private landowners, but acknowledged that rural development and distribution of land are key to achieving peace.

The political and legal status of the FARC members is also a challenging issue. Any agreement that gives the FARC any impunity is likely to face a disapproving public.

But the FARC reject the idea of legal prosecution for war casualties, the use of child soldiers, the use of kidnappings to extort money, and involvement in the illicit drug trade. The FARC said they would be willing only to “review” any “error” committed during the war but ruled out prosecution by a state they said they had legitimately risen up against for persecuting and neglecting its own people.

However, Peace Commissioner De La Calle said any decisions also have to consider legal international agreements Colombia has signed and ratified. Colombia is a State party to the International Criminal Court.

If the government-FARC peace talks are successful and the FARC disarm, GDP is expected to grow an additional two percent.

Related:

Major Michael L. Burgoyne, a U.S. Army Foreign Area Officer, currently serves as the Andean Ridge Desk Officer at U.S. Army South. Read his view on the peace negotiations here.

Nazih Richani is the Director of Latin American studies at Kean University. Read his view on the peace negotiations here.

The inmate privileges at the military prison — known as Tolemaida Resort — have continued. Military men convicted of grave human rights abuses and serving up to 40 years in prison continue to have the freedom to leave the prison whenever they want. They visit family and stay away from prison two weeks at a time. They vacation at beaches and pool resorts. They shop in Bogota. They frequent brothels. Some even live in luxury condominiums.

Watch here a video of a military man convicted to 40 years in prison but freely shopping in Bogota.

In the prison, they have access to alcohol, cell phones and laptops.

An inmate told Semana magazine, “If half of us who are convicted spoke and told the true history of this war, many colonels and generals would be in the prison here with us.”

Ricardo Calderon, 42, of Semana magazine first exposed the abuses at the military prison in April 2011. At the beginning of the month, as he investigated further, a gunman attempted against his life.

General Sergio Mantilla, the Commander of the Armed Forces, said Tolemaida Prison will soon be closed. Its inmates will be transferred to a new prison about to be built outside Bogota, as well as another one in Bello, Antioquia.

However, it is unlikely this will make any difference. More than two years have passed since the lax rules at the military resort were reported, and the inmates continue to enjoy the same lax lifestyle. In the past, prisoners have revoked any changes by going on hunger strikes, and threatening to talk to the media about what they say are the grave human rights abuses committed by senior military officers.

Related:

Human Rights Watch: no to military jurisdiction to judge military crimes.

Bill that sends military crimes to civilian courts still faces opposition.

Posted by: Paula Delgado-Kling | May 16, 2013

FARC continue recruiting children while talking peace

The FARC talk peace in Havana — but meanwhile, back in Colombia, the FARC are increasing their recruitment of children to boost their weakened fighting units, according to child welfare workers, officials and community leaders.

During the peace negotiations with the Pastrana government, the FARC also increased their recruitment of children, and every child in the former demilitarized zone lived in vulnerability.

It is hard to know with certainty how many children are in the FARC, and estimates range from 5,000 to 9,000 even 15,000. Human rights groups and former child rebels say there are at least hundreds of underage fighters, if not thousands. In the last dozen years, the government has attended to more than 5,000 children who have left illegal armed groups, most of them from the FARC; about 500 children are now in special government-run orphanages for former underage fighters.

The FARC-government negotiations must include immediately returning child soldiers to families, and all groups who use child soldiers must be held responsible.

But the government also needs to step up its efforts to uphold the rights of children. Besides FARC, Colombia has the ELN — and new groups continue to form: the neo-paramilitary gangs (collectively known as “bacrim” or “bandas criminales”) include Águilas Negras, Los Restrepos, Urabeños, Rastrojos, among others. These emerging gangs recruit children into their ranks. But the government gives the bacrim no political recognition so when these children are released, they are unable to access their basic rights, which include psychological services to help them reintegrate into mainstream society.

From 2003 to 2006, 32,000 paramilitaries abandoned arms, and among them were nearly 400 minors –  but the process was not made public and the children did not go through reintegration services. They remain acutely vulnerable to re-recruitment.

Further, the care provided at government-run foster homes and reintegration programs is poor, according to the Watchlist on Children and Armed Conflict. The program lacks funding to provide enough aid and skills training to children to provide a viable alternative to joining armed groups or criminal gangs. When asked, the children request more help attaining an education.

Related:

Human Rights Watch: World Report 2012

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